Het Vierde Rijk timmert onder Trump nog harder aan de fascistische weg dan onder Obama en Bush….. E.e.a. blijkt bijvoorbeeld uit de barbaarse omgang met vluchtelingen, waar men zelfs kinderen van hun ouders afnam en deze samen met jongeren die op eigen gelegenheid dan wel onder begeleiding van een volwassene (veelal familie) opsloot in ‘jongerencentra’, ofwel gevangenissen die het best te vergelijken zijn met concentratiekampen (een uitvinding van de Britten)……
Bij concentratiekampen denkt men meteen aan de doodskampen van nazi-Duitsland, echter concentratiekampen werden al veel eerder gebruikt door westerse regeringen en zijn zoals gezegd een Britse uitvinding uit de 19de eeuw……. Door WOII spreekt men liever niet meer over concentratiekampen, maar dat wil niet zeggen dat ze niet meer bestaan, zo bewijst o.a. de VS weer……
Concentratiekampen in de VS zijn niets nieuws, zo sloot men tijdens WOII VS burgers van Japanse en Duitse afkomst op in concentratiekampen, iets waar Trump over zei dat hij zich wat betreft de Japanners wel voor kon stellen iets dergelijks te hebben gedaan, ‘oorlogen zijn nu eenmaal hard….’ (waar hem, zo te zien in het hieronder opgenomen artikel, niet de VS burgers van Duitse komaf werden voorgelegd als voorbeeld, deze komen in het artikel niet eens ter sprake)
Echter met de vinger naar Trump wijzen doet ons vergeten dat bijvoorbeeld Obama 3 miljoen immigranten
deporteerde… (hiervoor kreeg hij de naam: ‘deporter in chief’) Al onder Clinton werden de eerste aanzetten gedaan tot het beleid zoals we dat de laatste jaren hebben gezien…
Kinderen zullen niet meer worden afgenomen van ouders, zo sprak het beest Trump, maar verder verandert er weinig, de concentratiekampen blijven bestaan voor kinderen van wie de ouders niet in de VS zijn……. Zoals het zich laat aanzien krijgen deze kinderen geen rechtsbijstand en blijven ze opgesloten in wat concentratiekampen zijn…… De families die de VS binnenkomen en die worden gepakt, worden in het geheel opgesloten, inclusief peuters en baby’s…… Niet dat ze misdaden hebben begaan, maar omdat ze ‘illegaal’ het land zijn binnengekomen….. (hoe kan je als mens in godsnaam illegaal zijn op onze kleine aarde???)
In het volgende artikel van Elliot Gabriel wijst deze op de VS invloed in Mexico tijdens de 80er
en 90er jaren >> via de Wereldhandelsorganisatie (WTO) heeft de VS in feite de arbeidersbevolking aan de
bedelstaf gebracht……… Ook verdragen als NAFTA bracht het arme deel van bevolkingen in Midden- (en Zuid-) Amerika vooral veel financiële ellende, ellende waardoor velen uiteindelijk zelfs hun land ontvluchtten richting VS….
Het meest smerige is wel dat Trump, plus een groot deel van de republikeinen en democraten durven te zeggen dat de migranten VS burgers hun banen afnemen…… Terwijl nu juist de grote bedrijven hun fabrieken verplaatsten naar landen in Azië en Midden-Amerika (m.n. naar Mexico) en zij daarmee de verantwoordelijken zijn voor de grote werkloosheid onder het arme deel van de VS bevolking……
Arme mensen die nu bespeeld worden door fascisten als Trump met leugens die hen moeten opzetten tegen migranten, die godbetert maar al te vaak vluchten voor door de VS aangerichte ellende in hun thuisland (neem de totaal mislukte ‘War on Drugs’ die in Mexico bijkans een oorlog van de drugsmaffia tegen de bevolking heeft veroorzaakt….. Mensen die dat geweld ontvluchten zijn niet langer welkom, zo liet opperschoft Sessions afgelopen week weten*)
Trump gaat zover met zijn angst en haatzaaierij, dat hij migranten beesten noemt die de VS komen ruïneren…… Hitler en Goebbels zouden trots zijn geweest op zo’n ijverige leerling……..
Yes,
US Immigration Prisons Are Absolutely ‘Concentration Camps’
June
22, 2018 at 9:45 am
Written by Elliott
Gabriel
(MPN) —
The ongoing furor over a drastic increase in the mass confinement of
migrant families and children has forced people in the United States
to cast a hard look at the immigration enforcement regime that has
aggressively developed in recent years.
The
discussion is increasingly recasting immigrant detention centers as
U.S. concentration camps. This has brought questions
of justice, human and civil rights back into focus — in contrast to
the Trump administration’s narrow reliance on the question of
law-and-order.
Prisons
for detained migrants conform to the basic, literal meaning of a
concentration camp: these are security enclosures where masses of
people from a targeted community are isolated from the general
population and subject to confinement, usually for political
purposes. Deprived of liberty, legal protections, or medical care,
those incarcerated in such camps see their lives reduced to a basic
biological existence.
Sexual
abuse, physical punishment, psychological trauma and even the forced
injection of children with
drugs are the daily reality for those captured at the border by U.S.
Customs and Border Protection officers or abducted from their homes
and workplaces by the Department of Homeland Security – Immigration
and Customs Enforcement, or DHS-ICE.
While
the term concentration camp is often
dismissed as extreme or exaggerated given its connotation of
Nazi Konzentrationslager like Auschwitz or Dachau —
which could more accurately be called death camps or forced
enslavement camps — concentration camps were widely used
by Western governments throughout the early 20th century as a
means to cope with insurgent populations in the colonies and waves of
migrants fleeing war in Europe.
Now,
in the 21st century, the U.S. immigrant enforcement regime has
assumed monstrous proportions. The country is being progressively
enveloped in a steel-clad mesh of stringent bureaucracy and inhumane
facilities devoted to legalized violence toward immigrants —
naturally, this has come in the name of security, sovereignty, and
enforcing the law.
Euphemisms,
Lies, and Mass Confinement
Like
the fig-leaf covering Adam and Eve’s genitals in Renaissance
paintings, a euphemism is a word or phrase meant to hide the true
nature of something considered embarrassing or offensive. Euphemisms
are common in our social interactions: We’re sleeping together; I’m
visiting the water closet; he passed away; we’re downsizing the
staff.
For
politicians, euphemisms are the bread and butter of “talking-points”
(propaganda) and serve to shield the state from public scrutiny and
criticism. Authorities will describe repressive police state measures
as necessary to public
safety, while
the elimination of public services is called balancing
the budget. Likewise, militaries
will refer to a blatantly imperialist war as a “humanitarian
intervention,” while
an indiscriminate bombing campaign and
capture of enemy-held territory is an act of “liberation.”
In
the world of criminal justice, solitary confinement and total
isolation from human contact — a form of torture – takes place in
the Security Housing Unit (SHU), a phrase that almost sounds like a
type of condominium apartment.
Immigration-related
U.S. concentration camps come in different varieties, each with its
own preferred euphemisms: there are detention
centers for
adults, childcare
facilities for
young children ripped from their families; and for those incarcerated
migrant adults (usually women) fortunate enough to remain with their
children, there are Family
Residential Centers –
a cheerful term that makes it sound as if families are having a
therapeutic retreat at Club Med rather than facing incarceration.
The
Northwest Detention Center in Tacoma, Washington, provides a good
example of the concentration camps operated by the commercial prison
corporation, GEO Group. Immigrant detainees who went on hunger strike
last year describe the facility as riddled with filthy, exploitative
and abusive conditions. Incarcerated migrants are given cheap,
poor-quality food while being forced to wear soiled underwear.
Medical care access is restricted and often administered by
unqualified prison guards themselves; it’s not uncommon that
prisoners die from treatable diseases like staph infection,
pneumonia, or diabetes.
Those
confined to such camps “temporarily” spend much of their time
with no light at the end of the tunnel, as immigration court
proceedings face repeated delays without explanation. Forced to
languish in horrendous conditions for an indefinite period, prisoners
inevitably fall into a state of deep despondency that sometimes leads
to suicide. In other cases, prisoners who wage hunger strikes face
punitive detention and physical abuse. Prisoners are also expected to
take part in manual labor tasks, where they are paid $1 per hour to
take care of the upkeep of the facilities, drawing comparisons to
enslaved prison labor.
At
“childcare facilities,” young children ripped from their
families’ arms are kenneled in wire-cage compounds or encamped in
overcrowded former Wal-Marts where they are subject to 22-hour
lockdown and given only two hours of fresh air — effectively
amounting to conditions of punitive incarceration for children as
young as seven years old.
Even
toddlers under the age of five have been placed in
three so-called “tender
age shelters” located in Texas, with a fourth compound planned for
Houston at a former warehouse slated to be re-purposed into a
“permanent unaccompanied alien children program facility. ”During
the Second World War, the government vocabulary was riddled
with similarly clean, bureaucratic euphemisms that obscured the
persecution of a community seen as a hostile and inherently “alien”
minority: Japanese immigrants and Japanese-descended citizens of the
U.S.
The
Wartime Precedent: Japanese-American Incarceration
On
February 19, 1942, long-seething anti-Asian racism and the Imperial
Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor culminated in the signing of
Executive Order 9066 by President Franklin D. Roosevelt. The order
gave xenophobia the seal of approval as official state policy and
decreed the “evacuation” or forced removal of 120,000 U.S.
residents of Japanese ancestry from their homes. Over two-thirds of
those impacted were U.S. citizens, including children.
The
mass incarceration of Japanese-descended families was justified on
the basis of a fear of sabotage by a yet-to-be-exposed “fifth
column,” as well as claims by military authorities that Justice
Department investigations were unable to keep pace with wartime
national-security needs. However, Depression-era white farmers also
saw Japanese Americans as a threat to their economic interests and
had clamored for stripping citizenship from the “Japs.”
apanese
immigrants and Japanese Americans were detained and placed in
assembly centers (temporary detention centers) and relocation
centers, which were at the time depicted as akin to “summer camps.”
In reality, these were concentration camps in the middle of harsh
desert climates, which were surrounded by guard towers and
barbed-wire fences, where Japanese-descended prisoners were overseen
and routinely abused by U.S. Army personnel equipped with machine
guns and even tanks.
By
January 2, 1945, the camps were closed; not a single incarcerated
Japanese had been successfully prosecuted as a spy or agent of the
Japanese government. Yet thousands of
Japanese
Americans incarcerated at the notorious Tule Lake Segregation Center
in California had already been coerced into renouncing their U.S.
citizenship, and were subsequently deported en masse back
to a Japan that was shattered by war.
Descendants
of incarcerated Japanese citizens and immigrants have struggled hard
in recent years to ensure that wartime mass-confinement is described
in terms that accurately reflect the unjust nature of their
experience. In 2013, the Japanese American Community League responded
to criticism over the use of the term “concentration camp,”
stating:
Misleading
government euphemisms like relocation camp, assembly center,
and internment camp should no longer be an insurmountable
obstacle to understanding. Ridiculous notions that we were being
protected or pampered will diminish.
Honest
terms like American concentration camp, incarceration camp,
illegal detention center, forced removal, and others, can now
truthfully tell a story: How the government used language to cover up
the denial of constitutional rights, the racism, forced removal,
incarceration, and oppressive conditions directed against 120,000
innocent people of Japanese ancestry.”
By
2015, Republican then-candidate Donald Trump began floating the idea
of a database of Muslim Americans to prevent, “until we are able to
determine and understand,” the alleged threat of “horrendous
attacks by people that believe only in Jihad.”
When
asked if he would have supported the wartime incarceration of
Japanese Americans, the former reality-TV star answered that it may
have been an option he would have favored. He also suggested that the
concentration camps may have played a role in the U.S. victory over
Japan. Trump explained:
I
would have had to be there at the time to tell you, to give you a
proper answer … It’s a tough thing. It’s tough.. But you
know war is tough. And winning is tough. We don’t win anymore. We
don’t win wars anymore. We don’t win wars anymore. We’re not a
strong country anymore. We’re just so off.”
‘90s
Roots: White “Nativist” Anxiety and the Neoliberal Offensive
Aside
from the deeply racist, white-supremacist roots of the United States
as a whole, Trump-style xenophobia and anti-immigrant racism became a
major phenomenon in the 1990s, when mass-media outlets and right-wing
politicians filled Americans’ heads with lurid tales of the threat
posed by brown-skinned foreigners. War and terrorism in the Middle
East flooded headlines as the Gulf War in Iraq and resistance to
Israel in Palestine and Lebanon raged.
Meanwhile,
at the southern U.S. border, tens of thousands of Mexican migrants
poured through as a result of the desperate conditions and economic
chaos unleashed by the North American Free Trade Agreement of 1994
and previous neoliberal policies foisted on pliant Mexican
governments by the World Trade Organization (WTO). NAFTA led to a
major influx of investment in Mexico by Canadian and U.S.-based
multinationals, yet the net effect was the plundering of the
country’s resources and wealth, the devastation of its agricultural
sector and rural regions, and a huge uptick in unemployment and
poverty in the country.
As
scholar Richard D. Vogel wrote in his 2007
meticulously-researched essay, Transient
Servitude:
U.S.
financial and political intervention in the national life of Mexico
during the 1980s and 1990s, often carried out through the WTO, has
pauperized the Mexican working class. It is they who have had to
suffer the brunt of the mandatory austerity programs, strict debt
restructuring, and privatization initiatives that were imposed on
Mexico in the 1980s after the credit binge of the Mexican bourgeoisie
during the previous decade. The result of this foreign intervention
has been widespread unemployment and displacement from the land that
has produced onerous hardship and sparked internal migration from the
interior of Mexico to the industrialized border region and to the
United States.”
Unauthorized
migration from Mexico became a driving force for nativist resentment
and racism among white workers, resulting in a push for
anti-immigrant laws like California’s Proposition 187 ballot
initiative in 1994. White workers found convenient scapegoats in the
Mexican undocumented workforce, despite the fact that it was U.S.
capitalism as a whole that had undercut their jobs and living
standards through the search for cheap labor in Mexico and other
offshore locations.
The
U.S. responded to the nativist clamor by militarizing the U.S. border
— resulting in the deaths of thousands of border-crossers who died
in the harsh frontier climate — and by conducting showy Border
Patrol operations and raids such as 1993’s Hold the Line in
San Diego and 1995’s Operation Gatekeeper in El
Paso, which did little to stem the flow of migrants.
However,
the generally lax open border policy provided employers and
corporations with access to a huge pool of cheap labor to tap into,
handsomely benefiting a then-booming U.S. economy. By 2005, about 12
million undocumented migrants — over half of whom were Mexican —
resided in the United States.
The
2006 implementation of the U.S.-Central America Free Trade Agreement
(CAFTA, now CAFTA-DR) had a similarly negative impact on development
in Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala,
Honduras, and Nicaragua, whose governments each signed. Rural
migrants were displaced and found no employment in cities, fueling
the growth of organized crime and acting as a sharp push factor for
migration to Mexico and the United States.
Subsequent
administrations’ security agreements with right-wing governments
and imperialist meddling — such as the Obama-Clinton State
Department’s success in overthrowing left-populist Honduran
President Manuel Zelaya in June 2009 — further exacerbated the
instability and misery plaguing Central America, creating
an inexorable
current that
continues to tens of thousands of desperate migrants to the doorstep
of the southern U.S. border in their life-or-death bid for asylum.
“Fortress
America” and the Bipartisan Construction of DHS-ICE
The
double standards inherent in U.S. partisan politics have led some to
believe that concentration camps were reintroduced on such a broad
scale under Trump, when in fact the mass confinement of
asylum-seekers and non-citizens was a daily reality under the
administrations of both George W. Bush and Barack Obama, who both
oversaw the expansion of the sprawling DHS machinery.
Indeed,
ever since the Clinton administration’s 1996 Immigration Act, minor
misdemeanor convictions are enough reason for even legal permanent
residents to be deported.
This
history is often ignored by liberal critics of the Trump regime,
owing in no small part to his absolute disregard for the
multicultural sensitivities of his predecessors who built the
immigration enforcement apparatus. The president has no qualms about
resorting to blatantly dehumanizing rhetoric when describing whole
categories of asylum-seekers as “animals” that are “infesting”
the United States, drawing comparisons between the right-wing U.S.
leader’s political ideology and that of Nazi Germany.
Yet
Trump is merely picking up the baton that was passed to him, albeit
with a relish that appears to be both calculating and visceral.
After
September 11, 2001, the U.S. was pushed over the brink by hysteria
over the fear of another spectacular terrorist attack. Muslim
Americans and immigrant communities from Asia, Africa and the Middle
East became the target not only of racist attacks on the streets, but
also of anti-terrorism bills like the USA PATRIOT Act. The act
significantly widened the ability of immigration agents to conduct
mass-detention sweeps of terrorism suspects, while allowing for the
mandatory detention of non-citizens suspected of terrorism for up to
48 hours after arrest.
In
2003, the PATRIOT Act was followed by the establishment of the
Department of Homeland Security (DHS), which consisted of three
separate bureaus: Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), Customs
and Border Protection (CBP), and Citizen and Immigration Services
(CIS). ICE began to extend its facilities, field offices and subfield
offices across the country.
In
June, 2003, ICE introduced its 10-year strategic enforcement plan,
Operation ENDGAME. The plan called
for information
sharing across government agencies while also explicitly calling for
the forcible removal of the entire unauthorized migrant population of
12 million people from the United States by 2014. In a memorandum
describing the program, ICE Office of Detention and Removal
Operations (DRO) director Anthony Tangemann stated:
DRO
provides the endgame to immigration enforcement and that is the
removal of all removable aliens. This is also the essence of our
mission statement and the ‘golden measure’ to our successes …
We must strive for 100% removal rate.”
Obviously,
the plan was never fulfilled, yet the Obama administration stubbornly
pushed forward in the fortification of ICE as a highly-funded,
fully-staffed and largely unaccountable organization with facilities
and contracted privately-operated concentration camps dotting the
entire country.
While
supporters of Obama will quickly point to his 2013 granting of
temporary relief to non-prioritized unauthorized migrant youth, in
the form of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA),
immigration-rights advocates will be just as quick to point to his
introduction of Secure Communities: A Comprehensive Plan to Identify
and Remove Criminal Aliens (SCOMM).
SCOMM,
which was guided by the goals stipulated in Operation Endgame,
cleared the way for ICE to deport hundreds of thousands of
unauthorized migrants through biometric data-sharing between federal
immigration authorities and thousands of local jails — leading to
the deportation of people convicted of minor crimes such as driving
under the influence or the possession of small amounts of drugs.
SCOMM
was eventually phased out by Obama owing to public pressure, only to
be revived by
the Trump administration. Obama’s campaign promises to reform the
U.S. immigration enforcement regime were never fulfilled and instead,
around three million were deported on his watch – earning the
former president the ignominious title “Deporter-In-Chief.”
The
Danger of Ignoring Homeland Security State Cruelty
Amid
the exponential growth of the federal government’s need for jails,
encampments, and kennels for migrant families, immigration-related
concentration camps are increasingly being normalized by an unashamed
Republican Party with Trump as its capo and ideological lodestar.
Even mainstream news hosts like Laura Ingraham of FOX News have
audaciously described incarceration facilities for children as
“essentially summer camps.”
And
on Wednesday — lost in the fanfare of his apparent
family-separation feint — Trump issued an executive order extending
the ability of ICE to incarcerate unauthorized migrants from 20 days
to an indefinite period.
The
United States government has long maintained the largest and most
technologically advanced system of mass confinement in human history.
Over time, a growing component of this system has consisted of new
migrant concentration camp.
It’s
about time that we recognize what led the U.S. to this point and
where that path may lead. Even the most superficial reading of
history reveals how in times of crisis, legal rights taken for
granted as permanent or foundational vanish like a puff of smoke when
security threats and a push to restore “law and order” casts a
dragnet into civilian populations.
In
1973, constitutional scholar Alexander Bickel offered a prescient
criticism of the concept of “citizenship as the tie that binds the
individual to government and [serves] as the source of his rights,”
noting that the right to citizenship can easily be revoked at the
will of the state:
A
relationship between government and the governed that turns on
citizenship can always be dissolved or denied … No matter what
safeguards it may be equipped with, it is at best something that was
given, and given to some and not to others, and it can be taken away.
It has always been easier, it always will be easier, to think of
someone as a noncitizen than to decide that he is a nonperson.”
As
history teaches us, threats to the nation — both external or
internal — can suddenly or gradually change. Today’s
flash-in-the-pan monster at our door might be migrant “animals”
from Latin America, but tomorrow it may take the form of anyone
or any group who threatens or disrupts social order — be
it a religious group, a national minority, the swelling homeless
population, the politically non-compliant or any other class of
people criminalized by a government that exclusively caters to the
needs of capital.
Disoriented
by sensationalist propaganda presented as objective news or informed
commentary, U.S. citizens gripped by anxiety and fear eagerly cheer
on the promise of misery for the “alien” as a means to ensure
fortune and safety for the “native.” Blinded by the false pride
found in white supremacy and the nostalgic idyll peddled by Trump and
his cohort, “conservatives” applaud as new walls, “residential
centers” and open-air penitentiaries for “illegals” are
constructed in their hometowns.
Trapped
in a daze of patriotic fervor, supporters of the punitive immigrant
policy regime under Trump remain oblivious to the consequences of
their faith in state violence guided by policies of official bigotry.
And
as for the rest of us, wringing our hands and expressing outrage
alone will get us nowhere in terms of preventing systematic cruelty
and state terror. Instead, we should continue to develop a serious
analysis of the overall situation and organize to defend our basic
rights before the windows of opportunity are bolted shut.
By Elliott
Gabriel / Creative
Commons / MintPress
News / Report
a typo
==============================
Hier nog een video van Brasscheck TV met dezelfde strekking:
CONCENTRATION
CAMPS FOR CHILDREN IN THE US
SOME
SIMPLE FACTS YOU ARE NOT BEING TOLD
THIS
IS A BUSINESS OPERATION
-
Seeking
asylum in the US is not a crime. It’s an administrative process.
After the hearings, the US can always no to the application.
-
There’s
absolutely no legal basis to take the children of asylum seekers
from their parents.
-
People
who cross the border illegally and are found not to have criminal
records used to be returned to the border they crossed. Now they are
being jailed for six months – at taxpayer expense – and having
their children taken from them.
-
The
revenues for these interments are going to the shareholders of
PRIVATELY owned prisons.
-
Privately
owned Prison companies like GEO and CoreCivic donated nearly
$500,000 to support Trump’s election campaign and underwrite his
inauguration.
-
The
Trump administration has no procedure in place for reuniting
children with the parents they have been taken from.
7.
The government will not disclose where the children they have seized
are being held. Nor will they allow Congressman or the news media to
enter these facilities.
======================================
* Zie: ‘VS martelt gevluchte kinderen…..‘
‘Immigrants& Muslims Are Trump’s Jews … Until He Comes for theActual Jews‘ (van Harvey Wasserman)
‘A Grandmother Seeking Asylum Separated From Disabled Grandson at the Border. It’s Been 10 Months‘
‘Met nieuw VS ‘vluchtelingenbeleid’ zullen nog meer kinderen seksueel misbruikt worden…..‘
Children Drugged, Given Forced Injections at Texas Detention Facility: Lawsuit
Pentagon Accepts Trump’s Call to House 20,000 Children on US Military Bases
‘VS wil van 3.000 migrantenkinderen DNA afnemen om zo de ouders op te sporen…..‘
‘De VS heeft een lange geschiedenis in het ontvoeren van kinderen uit niet witte families…….‘
