De ‘geheime oorlog’ van de VS en Israël tegen Iran

Gewelddadige
aanvallen, inclusief enorme explosies in Iran en dat op regelmatige basis, geven aan dat hier sprake is van een georganiseerd plan om
Iran op de knieën te krijgen….. Zoeken naar de daders is niet
nodig: de VS en Israël hebben zich het recht toegeëigend om in het
Midden-Oosten op te treden zoals het hen belieft. De VS middels
illegale oorlogen, gemengd met illegale sancties nu tegen Jemen, Iran en Syrië (tegen dat laatste land ook door de EU en Canada), ofwel economische oorlogsvoering, een misselijkmakende misdaad tegen de menselijkheid….. Terwijl men in die landen nog durft te liegen dat voedsel, medicijnen en medische apparatuur niet onder de sancties vallen, vreemd dan dat die nooit worden geleverd aan de genoemde landen, hetzelfde geldt overigens voor de VS sancties tegen Venezuela, die illegale sancties worden ook gesteund door de EU en Canada…..

intussen houdt Israël zich bezig met een enorm aantal illegale
aanvallen op landen als Irak, Syrië en nu dus ook Iran….. (alles illegaal via het luchtruim van Libanon……) Het is dan ook duidelijk dat de VS en Israël hier een stiekeme illegale ooorlog voeren tegen een soeverein land…….

Al
wat misgaat in het Midden-Oosten als gevolg van de illegale
overheersing van dat gebied door de grootste terreurentiteit op onze
kleine planeet de: VS, wordt in de schoenen van Iran geschoven……
Neem alleen al de genocide die nu al een aantal jaren gaande is in
Jemen, verantwoordelijke daarvoor is de Saoedische terreurcoalitie,
met intussen meer dan 500.000 slachtoffers, een aantal dat met de dag
stijgt (zeker nu ook het Coronavirus huishoudt in dit land met zo
enorm veel verzwakte mensen…..) Ondanks alle bewijzen van deze door het westen gesteunde genocice, blijft het westen met de VS voorop naar Iran wijzen, zonder ook maar een flinter aan bewijs te leveren…… Dit terwijl de VS en Groot-Brittannië deze genocide ook militair steunen…….

  

Naast het feit dat de VS en GB deelnemers zijn van die
Saoedische terreurcoalitie, steunen de andere westerse landen met Frankrijk voorop deze
terreurcoalitie met wapens in de breedste zin van het woord,
dus inclusief rollend, varen en vliegend oorlogstuig, verder worden
wapenonderdelen geleverd door o.a. Nederland, ook al is het
internationaal verboden om landen als het reli-fascistische
Saoedi-Arabië met wapens te steunen, juist door haar illegale oorlog die het
tegen de sjiitische bevolking van Jemen voert…… (nogmaals: een
oorlog die als genocide wordt uitgevoerd, het kan niet vaak ngenoeg gezegd worden)

Maar zoals gezegd: als je de westerse reguliere media moet geloven is daar vooral Iran
de schuldige, terwijl men dit land alleen met bewijzen ‘kan aanklagen’,
die aangeven dat die hulp van humanitaire aard was…….. 

Onbegrijpelijk dat de reguliere westerse (massa-) media niet uitvoerig berichten over de gehieme illegale oorlog tegen Iran, immers als de vlam echt in de pan slaat staan die media ongelofelijk voor paal (al zal men dan ongetwijfeld spreken over de ‘plotselinge Iraanse agressie’, uiteraard zonder de eerdere geheime oorlog en sancties tegen het Iraanse volk te noemen…..). 

Lees
het volgend artikel van R. Pillar, eerder gepubliceerd op ResponsibleStatecraft en door mij overgenomen van Information ClearingHouse en geeft het door, de hoogste tijd dat de westerse
wereld ontwaakt uit de coma waarin het is gebracht door leugens en
ronduit propaganda gebracht door het overgrote deel van de westerse
politici en de westerse massamedia (je kan onder het artikel klikken
voor een ‘Dutch vertaling’, dit neemt wel enige tientallen seconden
tijd in beslag):

The
undeclared war against Iran

By
Paul R. Pillar

President Donald J. Trump and Vice President Mike Pence participate in
an expanded bilateral meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu Monday, Jan. 27, 2020, in the Oval Office of the White House.
(Official White House Photo by D. Myles Cullen) (tekst van Responsible Statecraft en foto overgenomen van Global Research)

July 20, 2020
“Information
Clearing House”
– A series of violent attacks, involving explosions and fires, has
been hitting
Iran. The incidents have been too frequent and intense to be random
accidents. They are part of an organized effort.

Caution is always
advisable in attributing responsibility for such unclaimed acts,
especially for all of us outside the government channels that
possibly have better information about what is going on. But
circumstances point strongly, as some mainstream press reporting
reflects, to either or both of two suspects: the Netanyahu government
in Israel, and the Trump administration in the United States.

Both of those suspects
have track records that point that same way. The most conspicuous
relevant act by the Trump administration was its assassination in
January, with a drone-fired missile at the Baghdad airport, of Qassem
Soleimani, one of the most prominent political and military figures
in Iran. The Israeli record of aggressive acts against Iran has
included a series of assassinations
of Iranian nuclear scientists.  Those murders were part of a
larger, longstanding Israeli campaign
of assassinations throughout the Middle East. That campaign is in
turn part of an even larger Israeli record of acts throughout the
region — including, over the past couple of years, scores of aerial
attacks
in Syria.

Neither the Israeli
government nor the Trump administration has formally declared war
against Iran, but the rhetoric of each has stopped only slightly
short of such a declaration. 

The Trump administration has made clear
its intention to inflict as much pain as possible on Iran, including
but not limited to economic sanctions. The Netanyahu government’s
voluminous rhetoric on Iran has been every bit as hostile as what has
come out of Washington, or as what has come in the opposite direction
from Tehran.

Make no mistake about
what is going on. This is not a set of actions “short of war,” as
some would put it. It is war. We certainly should worry about
escalation of the conflict into something so big that everyone would
call it war. But that does not make what already has transpired
anything less than acts of war.

In this regard, do not
be deceived by the Iranian regime’s downplaying of the recent
attacks and its restraint — so far — regarding retaliation. A
date circled on Iranian policymakers’ calendars is January 20,
2021. The Iranians can read American polls, and the dominant thread
at the moment in Iranian thinking about security policy is to tough
it out until there is regime change in Washington. Iranian leaders
don’t want to be suckered into the sort of October — or July —
surprise that would generate a rally-round-the-flag effect in America
and could rescue Donald Trump’s fading re-election chances,
although they realize the restraint does risk making them appear
weak.

No
justification for the war

Although the current
war has not been formally declared, it ought to be assessed by the
same standards as one that has. Per international law and the United
Nations Charter, war would be justified only in self-defense, as a
response to, or possibly pre-emption of, an attack in the other
direction.  That is not the current circumstance with Iran. 
There is no sign that Iran is about to attack either Israel or the
United States. Given that Iran would be hopelessly outclassed
militarily against either of those foes, it would be foolish for
Iranian leaders to contemplate such an attack.

Nor does self-defense
come into play when considering proxies or other asymmetric means
through which Iran might want to impose its will. A salient aspect of
the large amount of ordnance that Israel has been flying across the
border and dropping on targets in Syria — many of those targets
reportedly connected to Syria’s ally Iran — is how there has been
almost no ordnance crossing the border in the other direction, other
than an odd air defense missile or two.

The weakness of any
U.S. case based on self-defense was underscored by the confused
official justifications for the killing of Soleimani. Hints dropped
publicly about pre-empting a supposedly imminent Iranian attack never
led to any evidence to that effect.  In the end, the U.S.
administration’s rationale rested mainly on Soleimani’s past role
in supporting Iraqi militia operations that incurred American
casualties during fighting in Iraq. That fighting was a direct result
of an offensive war — an act of aggression — that the United
States launched in 2003.

Iran’s nuclear
program has been a focus of attention in recent years, and one of the
most publicized of the recent attacks on Iran was at the nuclear
facility at Natanz. But the multilateral agreement known as the Joint
Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) , which placed severe restrictions on the
Iranian program, did a far better job of keeping a possible Iranian
nuclear weapon out of reach than anything the Trump administration
has done since reneging on the agreement two years ago, after which
Iran accelerated its nuclear activity. 

As Mark Fitzpatrick of the
International Institute of Strategic Studies (IISS) observes,
the JCPOA did a better job in that regard than attacks such as the
one on Natanz.

The attacks also do
nothing to deter aggressive or otherwise undesirable Iranian
actions.  Deterrence requires conditionality: pain is inflicted
after bad behavior and avoided after good behavior. But the U.S. and
Israeli governments seem determined to inflict pain no matter what
Iran does — as underscored by the Trump administration’s reneging
on the JCPOA and launching its “maximum pressure” campaign even
though Iran was fully complying with its obligations under the
agreement. Iran is being given an incentive only to retaliate, not to
behave well.

Eventual retaliation,
despite Tehran’s relative restraint so far, is one of the risks of
the current undeclared war. Escalation into something bigger and more
destructive is another risk. Even without such escalation, the
current campaign extends indefinitely one of the fronts in America’s
“forever war” in the Middle East.

Nor is any good coming
out of the attacks in terms of weakening Iran or shifting a regional
balance of power in America’s favor. Instead, it strengthens Iran’s
reasons to find support from — and in so doing foster the influence
of — the likes of Russia and China.

Israeli
objectives

To the extent the
Trump administration is condoning, turning a blind eye toward, or
even colluding with Israeli attacks on Iran, this is bad news for
U.S. interests. U.S. interests are different from those of Israel,
and even more different from those of the current Netanyahu-led
government.

That government has an
interest in perpetuating high tension with Iran to keep Iran as a
bête noire blamable for all the ills of the Middle East, to preclude
any rapprochement between Washington and Tehran, to promote Israeli
relations with the Gulf Arab states, and to distract attention from
issues that bring international scrutiny and criticism on Israel. At
the moment, Netanyahu’s incentives in this regard are stronger than
ever, which may help to explain the timing of the recent wave of
attacks. The distraction value of stoking the conflict with Iran has
increased as Netanyahu contemplates formal annexation of parts of the
West Bank and the international condemnation that will come with it.

Netanyahu also, like
the Iranians, is aware of the U.S. electoral calendar and American
opinion polls. He may see the next few months as an optimal and
limited time for stirring the regional pot even more than Israel has
in the past, while his friend Donald Trump is still in power. To the
extent the stirring helps his friend’s re-election chances, so much
the better from his point of view.

Netanyahu is unlikely
to be worrying about escalation into a bigger war, which would serve
his purposes even more dramatically. Goading Iran into retaliating in
a way that would spark such a war may have been one of the objectives
of the recent attacks. And it would not be Netanyahu’s job to count
any ensuing American casualties.

– “Source“
–

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