In
een zoals gebruikelijk voor Glenn Greenwald uitgebreid en uitstekend schrijven, vertelt hij in het hieronder opgenomen artikel over
de nauwe banden, die de fascistische president van Brazilië en zijn
zonen hebben met de paramilitaire extreemrechtse
terreurgroepen, of beter gezegd fascistische doodseskaders in dat land…..

Zoals uit het voorgaande al blijkt bestaan deze doodseskaders uit (ex-) politie- en legerpersoneel, ze zijn o.a. verantwoordelijk voor de moord op de populaire Braziliaanse rechter Patricia Acioli…… (het lijkt wel het Italië uit de 80er en 90er jaren van de vorige eeuw…) Acioli werd vermoord door 2 ex-agenten van de militaire politie, die NB nauwe banden onderhielden met Bolsonaro en zijn misdadige familie……. (zie de berichten onder het hieronder opgenomen artikel)

Ook wethouder van Rio de Janeiro Marielle Franco werd door zo’n doodseskader vermoord….. Deze 2 moorden werden gepleegd omdat Acioli en Franco zich NB bemoeiden met de vervolging van misdaad en corruptie!

Bij het onderzoek naar de moord op Franco vond de politie een groot arsenaal aan wapens en munitie van VS makelij…….

De
zogenaamde strijd van Bolsonaro tegen de misdaad en corruptie in
Brazilië is dan ook een strijd gericht tegen links en de kleine misdadigers onder de Braziliaanse bevolking….. Intussen heeft Bolsonaro een regering met uiterst corrupte figuren gevormd, terwijl hij het presidentschap won door te beloven de corruptie en de misdaad aan te pakken, hebben de grote misdadigers vrij spel, waar de meeste Brazilianen in armoede moeten leven en die grote misdadigers veelal juist verantwoordelijk zijn voor de regie op de kleine misdaad……. (ofwel de misdaad wordt amper aangepakt, zelfs minder dan onder voorgaande regeringen en dan moet je bedenken dat Bolsonaro nog maar relatief kort president is….)

Bolsonaro wordt door de reguliere westerse media en veel westerse politici geprezen voor zijn ‘aanpak van corruptie en misdaad’, zonder dat ze daar voorbeelden van kunnen geven…… Opvallend is de houding van de westerse media wel gezien het feit dat op dodenlijsten van deze paramilitaire groepen naast mensenrechtenactivisten, ook journalisten staan genoemd……

Lees
het volgende artikel, eerder verschenen op The Intercept en geeft het
door, in de reguliere westerse media is er geen aandacht
voor het fascistische gehalte van de huidige Braziliaanse regering,
die nu al meer corrupt is, dan de vorige 2 regeringen in alle jaren bij
elkaar lieten zien (en dan moet nog opgemerkt worden dat die 2
regeringen voor het overgrote deel valselijk werden beschuldigd van
corruptie…)….. Als de linkse ex-president Lula da Silva niet op valse gronden was veroordeeld, had hij op zeker de verkiezingen gewonnen van Bolsonaro….. (er was dus alle belang bij, ook voor de VS, dat Lula vast bleef zitten en dat Bolsonaro daarmee de verkiezingen zou winnen en zo gebeurde….)

Video:
As Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro Prepares to Meet Donald Trump, His
Family’s Close Ties to Notorious Paramilitary Gangs Draw Scrutiny
and Outrage

Glenn
Greenwald, Victor
Pougy

March
18 2019, 4:56 p.m.

LEIA
EM PORTUGUÊS

Brazil´s
president Jair Bolsonaro
is in Washington to meet U.S. President Donald Trump at the
White House on Tuesday. While the trip officially is focused on
the joint efforts of the U.S. and Brazil to change the government of
Venezuela, it is being billed by the Bolsonaro government as a
“restart” of his presidency and image after multiple,
serious scandals crippled
the first
three months of his presidency.

But
when it comes to recreating his image, the timing of this trip
could hardly be worse. Key news events of the last
several weeks — including the arrests
of two former Rio de Janeiro police officers for
the March 2018 assassination of Rio City Council Councilor Marielle
Franco — have highlighted the most damaging and, to many, most
terrifying revelations about Bolsonaro and his three politician sons:
their extensive, direct, multilayered, and deeply personal ties to
the paramilitary gangs and militias responsible for Brazil’s most
horrific violence. is in Washington to meet U.S. President
Donald Trump at the White House on Tuesday. While the trip
officially is focused on the joint efforts of the U.S. and Brazil to
change the government of Venezuela, it is being billed by the
Bolsonaro government as a “restart” of his presidency and image
after multiple,
serious scandals crippled
the first
three months of his presidency.

Watch
our video report on the growing, multilevel, personal, and highly
disturbing links between Bolsonaro and his family on the one hand,
and the country’s most violent, lawless, and murderous paramilitary
gangs on the other:

Just
consider how, even before the arrests of Franco’s killers last
week, so many deep ties had already emerged between Bolsonaro and his
sons, who won office principally on an anti-crime and
anti-corruption platform, and the paramilitary gangs composed of
current and former military police officers and military members.
Bolsonaro himself is a former army captain who served during Brazil’s
military dictatorship and left in the 1980s amid allegations of
misconduct; yet, even now as the president, he still has his
friends and aides address him as “Captain.”

In
January, the Rio de Janeiro police executed a
full-scale raid against
the city’s most dangerous militia, the one that houses within
it the terrifying murder-for-hire team known as “the Crime Office.”
That assassin team is composed of highly trained police officers who
use their specialized knowledge of investigations and assassin skills
to carry out murders with very little possibility of detection,
and they have long been the leading suspects in Franco’s
assassination, given how professional and frighteningly efficient
that murder was carried out.

The
January raid resulted in the arrest of five of the top six commanders
of the militia. The only one who escaped, and is still a fugitive,
was the chief of that militia: ex-police captain Adriano Magalhães
da Nóbrega (pictured under, from a prior arrest). Wanted for other
murders, and subject to an Interpol arrest warrant, he has presided
as the leader of Rio’s most terrifying militia, the one that police
concluded carried out Franco’s assassination with such chilling
precision.

That
raid led to a shocking revelation: Unbeknownst to the public, the
mother and wife of Nóbrega — one of Brazil’s most notorious
gangsters — were both receiving salaries from the state. That’s
because both
of them were formally employed by Flávio Bolsonaro, Jair
Bolsonaro’s oldest son, for the entire last decade as he served as
a state representative in the Rio de Janeiro state legislature. When
Jair Bolsonaro was elected president last November, Flávio moved up
to the Federal Senate as a result of winning his election in Rio with
a massive vote total.

Shortly
after this highly incriminating connection was revealed, a dam
collapsed in the interior of Brazil and tragically
killed more than 200 people, understandably
replacing news coverage of virtually all other events. That resulted
in far less attention being paid to Flávio’s close connections to
Nóbrega’s family than was deserved. So just reflect on that: Jair
Bolsonaro’s son had on his official government payroll the mother
and wife of one of the country’s most notorious and psychopathic
paramilitary leaders, the fugitive chief of the militia
responsible for the assassination of Marielle Franco, among countless
other murders.

In
February, Flávio’s direct and intimate ties to militias became
even more glaring. Checks were
found issued
in the name of his campaign account signed by the sister of two
twin-brother militia members, Alan and Alex Rodrigues de
Oliveira, arrested in a large-scale police raid last August. Just
months prior to the arrest of these two militia brothers,
Flávio posted
to his Instagram a
photo of himself and his father, then a presidential candidate, at a
birthday party for the two militia twins, congratulating them and
heaping praise on the family.

IN
RETROSPECT, that
Flávio had such close personal connections to Rio’s
militias that he put the mother and wife of its most notorious chief
on his payroll should not have been surprising. As a state
legislator, he twice
bestowed on the top militia leaders,
then police officers, formal awards and honors, praising them for
their civil service to their communities.

Far
worse, in 2011, Brazilian Judge Patricia Acioli, who, along with
Brazil’s left-wing PSOL party, was overseeing a sweeping criminal
investigation into militias and heroically sent numerous high-ranking
police officers to prison, was brutally
murdered outside
her home, horrifying not just Brazil but the world. While all
Brazilian politicians expressed horror and disgust at this brazen
attack on the rule of law — showing that militias could just murder
whoever they wanted, even judges sending their leaders to prison —
Flávio posted a tweet that basically blamed her for her own murder,
criticizing her for provoking the militias:

Jair
Bolsonaro himself has a history of multiple ties to Brazil’s
militias and several of its key leaders. He has twice, on the floor
of the Congress, explicitly
praised their
death squads as good for the country’s security and crime problems.
On one occasion, after various members of Congress from the northern
region of Brazil warned of the growth of death squads and
extrajudicial murders carried out by growing police-composed
militias, Bolsonaro stood
to explicitly praise them as crime-fighting patriots and
declared them “welcome” in Rio de Janeiro. Since
then, those militias have taken over huge swaths of Brazil’s most
critical cities, including Rio. A January investigation from The
Intercept Brasil found that militias have virtually
taken over the entire city.

In
sum, the Bolsonaro movement has been fixated on Brazil’s crime
epidemic, and anger over growing violence was arguably one of the two
main factors in the rise of that movement (the other being anger over
systemic political corruption). But when Bolsonaro and his family
speak of crime, they almost always try to focus attention on the
primarily black drug traffickers who live in the city’s poor
favelas, and virtually never speak of the far more menacing, serious,
and terrifying source of criminality carried out by the Bolsonaros’
ideological companions and heroes of the country’s sophisticated
and skilled militias:

That
Bolsonaro — despite how central his anti-crime posture is to his
political popularity — is eager to praise, rather than condemn and
combat, militias is not hard to understand. Those militias are ruled
by his friends, neighbors, comrades, and closest associates.

The
militia member who worked as Flávio’s driver for the last decade
and whose large money movements — including one into
the account of Jair Bolsonaro’s wife —
triggered the first scandal of his presidency, ex-police Officer
Fabrício Queiroz, is one of Bolsonaro’s oldest and closest
friends. When police sought to question him about those money
movements to the Bolsonaro family, he unsurprisingly went into
hiding in the precise neighborhood, Rio das Pedras, most notorious
for being commanded most thoroughly by Rio’s most violent militia.

WHEN
TWO OF FRANCO’S KILLERS were finally
apprehended last week, just two days shy of the one-year anniversary
of her assassination, nobody was surprised that they had both
been members of Brazil’s military police. The extreme
professionalism with which that murder was carried out, including the
still-unexplained coincidence that numerous public security cameras
on the path they chose to pursue her had been turned off in the days
before the assassination, left no doubt that militias were
responsible.

But
almost immediately after the police announced the identity of the two
assassins they arrested, ties to Bolsonaro emerged. The shooter
himself, police Sgt. Ronnie Lessa, lives on the same street as
Bolsonaro’s Rio house, in an exclusive gated community: an extreme
coincidence given how massive and sprawling of a city Rio de Janeiro
is. In other words, one of Franco’s assassins — the man who
pumped four bullets into her head — turned out to be Bolsonaro’s
neighbor, both of whom lived in close proximity in a very rich
neighborhood despite working their entire adult lives on the
public payroll.

Shortly
thereafter, a photo emerged of Lessa and Bolsonaro together, posted
to Lessa’s social media account. Police then confirmed that
Bolsonaro’s 20-year-old son and Lessa’s daughter had been dating.
While none of those facts are close to dispositive in terms of
linking Bolsonaro to Franco’s murder, those are a lot of
coincidental connections to have between a three-decade member of
Congress and the current president of the Republic, on the one hand,
and the murderers who pumped four bullets into the skull of one of
Rio de Janeiro’s most prominent and inspiring left-wing politicians
on the other.

As
part of the police search of the assassins’ properties, the police
apprehended the single largest collection of armaments in the history
of Brazil’s democracy: 117 M-16 automatic rifles. Notably, they
were apprehended not in the favelas on which the Bolsonaros
obsessively fixate when talking about crime, but in a luxury
condominium owned by a former police officer who is part of the
militia that assassinated Franco and which has multiple ties to the
Bolsonaro family:

m16-1552922172

Armaments
seized from the house of one of the accused assassins of Marielle
Franco, including 117 M-16 automatic rifles, from Rio de Janeiro.
Photo:
Rio Civil Police

Days
later, the police — despite still not having apprehended the people
who ordered and paid for Franco’s assassination — insinuated
a political motive to her killers. Consistent with
Bolsonaro’s denunciation of the sweeping investigation of
militias led by Franco’s political mentor, Marcelo Freixo of the
left-wing PSOL party (the same party of Jean Wyllys, the gay
congressperson who last
month fled Brazil and
gave up his congressional term under highly specific death threats),
reports emerged that Franco’s
assassins were overt Bolsonaro supporters.

The
police also indicated that they had seized the computers and other
electronic devices of the two killers, and discovered that,
subsequent to Franco’s assassination, the murderous militia pair
had searched
and monitored the movements of
numerous human rights activists, left-wing journalists, and
politicians (one of those specified by the police was my husband,
David Miranda, now a congressperson from the same left-wing party as
Freixo, Franco, and Wyllys).

All
of this mounting evidence — most of which has been unearthed just
in the 10 weeks since Bolsonaro’s January 1 inauguration — paints
a deeply disturbing and dangerous picture. Brazil — the world’s
fifth-largest country, with massive oil reserves and the world’s
most critical environmental region in the Amazon that the current
government wants to sell off to the highest industrial bidders — is
in the hands of a family with multiple, close, and growing
connections to the country’s most murderous, criminal, and
sociopathic death squads and paramilitary forces.

As Bolsonaro
meets Trump at the White House tomorrow, that meeting should be
understood first and foremost within this context. Bolsonaro has
quickly elevated himself to the top echelon of the world’s most
thuggish, violent, and dangerous leaders. And given the stakes raised
by Brazil — geopolitically, culturally, economically,
environmentally, and militarily — this is clearly one of the most
profoundly disturbing developments of the last year. Whatever else is
true, the media focus on Bolsonaro’s presence in the White
House should feature these facts prominently and centrally if the
reporting is to accurately reflect who he is and what he represents.

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