De
geheime diensten van de VS hebben zich met de grote bedrijven gekeerd
tegen de zogenaamde ‘Pink Tide’, de wens van
Latijns-Amerikaanse volkeren voor een socialistische beleid in hun
land en waar een aantal van die volkeren deze wens waarmaakten door met grote meerderheden te kiezen voor socialistische partijen. Voorbeelden te over, neem Venezuela, waar de al jaren durende oorlog* van de VS
tegen het Venezolaanse volk en het door Maduro socialistische
gevoerde beleid in dat land…… Volgens de laatste berichten hebben de
illegale sancties van de VS (gesteund door Canada en onze EU) al aan
meer dan 100.000 mensen het leven gekost, dit o.a. door een
blokkade op voedsel**, medicijnen, medische hulpmiddelen en medische
apparaten….. De VS zegt wel dat medicijnen en voedsel niet onder de
sancties vallen echter de bewijzen van het tegendeel liegen er niet
om…….
Of
wat dacht je van de bloedige coup door de VS georganiseerd tegen het
uiterst succesvolle socialistische bewind van Evo Morales in Bolivia.
Deze man, de eerste president sinds de witte Europeanen daar een aantal eeuwen geleden begonnen met de
genocide tegen de oorspronkelijke bevolking van dit land…… Deze bevolking vormt NB een
meerderheid in het land en niet vreemd dus dat Morales daar de ene na
de andere verkiezing won en de armoede onder de oorspronkelijke
bevolking wist weg te werken, waarbij ze recht kregen op goede
en goedkope: -scholing, -gezondheidszorg, -energievoorziening en -huisvesting…..
De CIA en de OAS (Vereniging van Amerikaanse Staten) hebben een
opstand georganiseerd in het land en leger en politie omgekocht om
aan de zijde (van de minderheid) van meer welgestelde burgers en het
grootkapitaal in dat land te vechten tegen de oorspronkelijke
bewoners en hun regering….. Morales werd door de militairen
ontvoerd en naar Mexico gedeporteerd….. Intussen is de partij van
Morales toch weer de grootste en heeft men een medestander van
Morales gekozen tot president…..*** De junta, o.l.v. de fascistische
christenhoer Áñez, is op de vlucht geslagen…..
Ook
speelde de VS de hoofdrol in de ‘constitutionele crisis’ in Brazilië,
waar de socialistische presidenten Dilma Rousseff en Lula da Silva
werden beschuldigd van corruptie middels een smeercampagne en zogenaamde (vervalste) bewijzen een eind maakten aan de regering van da
Silva en hij in de gevangenis verdween…..
Dan
heb je nog Honduras waar Killary Clinton en de CIA in 2009 een
staatsgreep pleegden en een eind maakten aan de socialistische regering van Manuel Zelaya…… Er
zijn nog meer voorbeelden te noemen echter niet vergeten moet worden
dat de CIA (en daarmee de VS) ook verantwoordelijk was voor een bloedige
(fascistische) staatsgreep in Guatemala in 1954 die een eind maakte
aan het bewind van President, Jacobo Árbenz, om nog maar te zwijgen
over de uiterst bloedige coup in Chili, op 11 september 1973 (ja
de eerste (9/11….) tegen de socialistische president Salvador
Allende en diens regering door de CIA en zijne kwaadaardigheid nazigeneraal Pinochet…….
Lees
het volgende uitstekende artikel van T.J Coles, die veel verder
ingaat op de VS bemoeienis met Latijns-Amerika, gepubliceerd op
CounterPunch en zegt het voort!! De hoogste tijd dat alle
volkeren over de wereld zich gaan verzetten tegen het fascistische
Vierde Rijk, de grootste terreurentiteit ter wereld, ofwel de VS!!
December
20, 2020
The
Evolution of U.S.-Backed Death Squads in Honduras
The
Pathology of U.S. Foreign Policy
by T.J.
Coles
Photo
Source Capt. Thomas Cieslak – CC
BY 2.0
U.S. intelligence
agencies and corporations have pushed back against the so-called Pink
Tide, the coming to power of socialistic governments in Central
and South America. Examples include: the slow-burning
attempt to overthrow Venezuela’s President; Nicolás Maduro;
the initially
successful soft coup in Bolivia against President Evo Morales;
and the constitutional
crises that removed Presidents Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff
in Brazil.
In 2009, the Obama
administration (2009-17) backed
a coup against President Manuel Zelaya. Since then, Honduras has
endured a decline in its living standards and democratic
institutions. The return of 1980s-style death squads operating
against working people in the interests of U.S. corporations has
contributed to the refugee-migrant
flow to the United States and to the rise of racist politics.
EMPIRES: FROM
THE SPANISH TO THE AMERICAN
Honduras (pop. 9.5
million) is surrounded by Guatemala and Belize in the north, El
Salvador in the west, and Nicaragua in the south. It has a small
western coast on the Pacific Ocean and an extensive coastline on the
Caribbean Sea in the Atlantic. Nine out of 10 Hondurans are
Indo-European (mestizo).
GDP is <$25bn and over
60 percent of the people live in poverty: one in five in extreme
poverty.
Honduras gained
independence from Spain in 1821, before being annexed to the Mexican
Empire. Hondurans have endured some 300 rebellions, civil wars,
and/or changes of government; more than half of which occurred in the
20th
century. Writing in 1998, the Clinton White House acknowledged
that Honduras’s “agriculturally based economy came to be
dominated by U.S. companies that established vast banana plantations
along the north coast.”
The significant U.S.
military presence began
in the 1930s, with the establishment of an air force and military
assistance program. The Clinton White House also noted
that the founder of the National Party, Tiburcio Carías Andino
(1876-1969), had “ties to dictators in neighboring countries and to
U.S. banana companies [which] helped him maintain power until 1948.”
The C.I.A. notes
that dictator Carías’s repression of Liberals would make those
Liberals “turn to conspiracy and [provoke] attempts to foment
revolution, which would render them much more susceptible to
Communist infiltration and control.” The Agency said that in
so-called emerging democracies: “The opportunities for Communist
penetration of a repressed and conspiratorial organization are much
greater than in a freely functioning political party.” So, for
certain C.I.A. analysts, “liberal democracy” is a buffer against
dictatorships that legitimize genuinely left-wing oppositional
groups. The C.I.A. cites the case of Guatemala in which “a strong
dictatorship prior to 1944 did not prevent Communist activity which
led after the dictator’s fall, to the establishment of a
pro-Communist government.”
REDS UNDER THE
BED
To understand the
thinking behind the U.S.-backed death squads, it is worth looking at
some partly-declassified C.I.A. material on early-Cold War planning.
The paranoia was such that each plantation laborer was potentially a
Soviet asset hiding in the fruit field. These subversives could be
ready, at any moment, to strike against U.S. companies and the
nascent American Empire.
In line with some
strategists’ conditional preferences for “liberal democracies,”
Honduras has the façade of voter choice, with two main parties
controlled by the military. After the Second World War, U.S. policy
exploited Honduras as a giant military base from which left-wing or
suspected “communist” movements in neighboring countries could be
countered. In 1954, for instance, Honduras was used
as a base for the C.I.A.’s operation PBSuccess to overthrow
Guatemala’s President, Jacobo Árbenz (1913-71).
Writing in ‘54, the
C.I.A. said
that the Liberal Party of Honduras “has the support of the majority
of the Honduran voters. Much of its support comes from the lower
classes.” The Agency also believed that the banned Communist Party
of Honduras planned to infiltrate the Liberals to nudge them further
left. But an Agency document notes
that “there may be fewer than 100” militant Communists in
Honduras and there were “perhaps another 300 sympathizers.”
The document also
notes: “The organization of a Honduran Communist Party has never
been conclusively established,” though the C.I.A. thought that the
small Revolutionary Democratic Party of Honduras “might have been a
front.” The Agency also believed
that Communists were behind the Workers’ Coordinating Committee
that led strikes of 40,000 laborers against the U.S.-owned United
Fruit and Standard Fruit Companies, which the Agency acknowledges
“dominate[d] the economy of the region.” In the same breath, the
C.I.A. also says that the Communists “lost control of the workers,”
post-strike.
A PROXY
AGAINST NICARAGUA
A U.S. military report
states
that “[c]onducting joint exercises with the Honduran military has a
long history dating back to 1965.” By 1975, U.S. military
helicopters operating in Honduras at Catacamas, a village in the
east, assisted “logistical support of counterinsurgency
operations,” according
to the CIA. These machines aided the Honduran forces in their
skirmishes against pro-Castro elements from Nicaragua operating along
the Patuca River in the south of Honduras. By the mid-1990s, there
were at
least 30 helicopters operating in Honduras.
In 1979, the National
Sandinista Liberation Front (Sandinistas) came to power in Nicaragua,
deposing and later assassinating the U.S.-backed dictator, Anastasio
Somoza Debayle (1925-80). For the Reagan administration (1981-89),
Honduras was a proxy against the defiant Nicaragua.
The U.S. Army War
College wrote at the time: “President Reagan has clearly expressed
our national commitment to combating low intensity conflict in
developing countries.” It says that “The responsibility now falls
upon the Department of State and the Department of Defense to develop
plans and doctrine for meeting this requirement.” The same document
confirms
that the U.S. Army Special Operations Forces (SOF), the 18th
Airborne Corps, was sent to Honduras. “Mobile Training Teams (MTT)
were dispatched to train Honduran soldiers in small unit tactics,
helicopter maintenance and air operations, and to establish the
Regional Military Training Center near Trujillo and Puerto Castilla,”
both on the eastern coast.
A SOUTHCOM document
dates significant U.S. military assistance to Honduras to the 1980s.
It notes
the effect of public pressure on U.S. policy, highlighting: “a
general lack of appetite among the American public to see U.S. forces
committed in the wake of the Vietnam War [which] resulted in strict
parameters that limited the scope of military involvement in Central
America.”
According
to SOUTHCOM, the Regional Military Training Center was designed “to
train friendly countries in basic counterinsurgency tactics.”
President Reagan wanted to smash the Sandinistas, but “the
executive branch’s hands were tied by the 1984 passage of the
Boland Amendment [to the Defense Appropriations Act], banning the use
of U.S. military aid to be given to the Contras,” the
anti-Sandinista forces in Nicaragua. As a result, “the strong and
sudden focus instead on training, and arguably by proxy, the
establishment of [Joint Task Force-Bravo],” an elite military unit
assigned a “counter-communist mission.”
The Green Berets
trained the contras
from bases in Honduras, “accompanying them on missions into
Nicaragua.” The North American Congress on Latin America noted
at the time that “Military planes flying out of Honduras are
coordinated by a laser navigation system, and contras
operating inside Nicaragua are receiving night supply drops from
C-130s using the Low Altitude Parachute Extraction System,” first
used in Vietnam and operational only to a few personnel. “The CIA,
operating out of Air Force bases in the United States, hires pilots
for the hazardous sorties at $30,000 per mission.” The report notes
that troops from El Salvador “were undergoing U.S. training every
day of the year, in Honduras, the United States and the new basic
training center at La Union,” in the north.
SPECIAL UNITS
AND ANTI-COMMUNISTS
The U.S. also launched
psychological operations against domestic leftism in Honduras. This
involved morphing a special police unit into a military intelligence
squad guilty of kidnap, torture, and murder: Battalion 316. Inducing
a climate of fear in workers, union leaders, intellectuals, and human
rights lawyers is way of ensuring that progressive ideas like good
healthcare, free education, and decent living standards don’t take
root.
In 1963, the Fuerza
de Seguridad Pública
(FUSEP, Public Security Force) was set
up as a branch of the military. During the early-‘80s, FUSEP
commanded the National Directorate of Investigations, regular
national police units, and National Special Units, “which provided
technical support to the arms interdiction program,” according
to the CIA, in which “material from Nicaragua passed through
Honduras to guerrillas in El Salvador.” The National Directorate of
Investigations ran the secret Honduran Anti-Communist Liberation Army
(ELACH, 1980-84), described by the C.I.A. as “a rightist
paramilitary organization which conducted operations against Honduran
leftists.”
The C.I.A. repeats
allegations that “ELACH’s operations included surveillance,
kidnappings, interrogation under duress, and execution of prisoners
who were Honduran revolutionaries.” ELACH worked in cooperation
with the Special Unit of FUSEP. “The mission of the Unit was
essentially … to combat both domestic and regional subversive
movements operating in and through Honduras.” The C.I.A. also notes
that “this included penetrating various organizations such as the
Honduran Communist Party, the Central American Regional Trotskyite
Party, and the Popular Revolutionary Forces-Lorenzo Zelaya (FPR-LZ)
Marxist terrorist organization.”
Gustavo Adolfo Álvarez
(1937-89), future head of the Honduran Armed Forces, told
U.S. President Jimmy Carter’s Honduras Ambassador, Jack Binns, that
their forces would use “extra-legal means” to destroy communists.
Binns wrote
in a confidential cable: “I am deeply concerned at increasing
evidence of officially sponsored/sanctioned assassinations of
political and criminal targets, which clearly indicate [Government of
Honduras] repression has built up a head of steam much faster than we
had anticipated.” But U.S. doctrine shifted under President Reagan.
Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, Thomas O.
Enders, told
Binns not to send such material to the State Department for fear of
leakage. Enders himself said
of human rights in Honduras: “the Reagan administration had broader
interests.”
Under Reagan, John
Negroponte replaced Binns at the U.S. Embassy in the capital
Tegucigalpa, from where many C.I.A. agents operated. In 1981, secret
briefings informed
Negroponte that “[Government of Honduras] security forces have
begun to resort to extralegal tactics — disappearances and,
apparently, physical eliminations to control a perceived subversive
threat.” Rick Chidster, a junior political officer at the U.S.
Embassy was ordered
by superiors in 1982 to remove references to Honduran military abuses
from his annual human rights report prepared for Congress.
THE MAKING OF
BATTALION-316
In March 1981, Reagan
authorized
the expansion of covert operations to “provide all forms of
training, equipment, and related assistance to cooperating
governments throughout Central America in order counter
foreign-sponsored subversion and terrorism.” Documents obtained by
The
Baltimore Sun
the reveal
that from 1981, the U.S. provided funds for Argentine
counterinsurgency experts to train anti-Communists in Honduras; many
of whom had, themselves, been trained by the U.S. in earlier years.
At a camp in Lepaterique, in western Honduras, Argentine killers
under U.S. supervision trained their Honduran counterparts.
Oscar Álvarez, a
former Honduran Special Forces officer and diplomat trained
by the U.S., said:
“The Argentines came in first, and they taught how to disappear
people.” With training and equipment, such as hidden cameras and
phone bugging technology, U.S. agents “made them more efficient.”
The U.S.-trained
Chief of Staff, Gen. José Bueso Rosa, says:
“We were not specialists in intelligence, in gathering information,
so the United States offered to help us organize a special unit.”
Between 1982 and 1984, the aforementioned Gen. Álvarez headed the
Armed Forces. In 1983, Reagan awarded him the Legion of Merit for
“encouraging the success of democratic processes in Honduras.”
When C.I.A. Station Chief, Donald Winters, adopted a child, he asked
Álvarez to be the godfather.
After WWII, the U.S.
Army established, in the Panama Canal Zone, a Latin American Training
Center-Ground Division at Fort Amador, later renamed the U.S. Army
School of the Americas and moved to Fort Benning, Georgia. Now called
the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation, the
C.I.A.’s Phoenix
Program in Vietnam and its MK-ULTRA
mind-torture programs influenced the Honduras curriculum at the
School.
In 1983, the U.S.
military participated in Strategic Military Seminar with the Honduran
Armed Forces, at which it was decided that FUSEP would be transformed
from a police force into a military intelligence unit. “The purpose
of this change,” says
the C.I.A., “was to improve coordination and improve control.” It
also aimed “To make available greater personnel, resources, and to
integrate the intel production.” In 1984, the Special Unit was
placed under the command of the Military Intelligence Division and
renamed the 316th
Battalion, at which point “it continued to provide technical
support to the arms interdiction program” in neighboring countries.
A C.I.A. officer based
in the U.S. Embassy is known
to have visited the Military Industries jail: one of Battalion 316’s
torture chambers in which victims were bound, beaten, electrocuted,
raped, and poisoned. Battalion torturer, José Barrera, says: “They
always asked to be killed … Torture is worse than death.”
Battalion 316 officer, José Valle, explained
surveillance methods: “We would follow a person for four to six
days. See their daily routes from the moment they leave the house.
What kind of transportation they use. The streets they go on.” Men
in black ski masks would bundle the victim into a vehicle with
dark-tinted windows and no license plates.
Under Lt. Col. Alonso
Villeda, the Battalion was disbanded
and replaced in 1987 with a Counterintelligence Division of the
Honduran Armed Forces. Led by the Chief of Staff for Intelligence
(C-2), it absorbed the Battalion’s personnel, units, analysis
centers, and functions.
In 1988, Richard
Stolz, then-U.S. Deputy Director for Operations, told
the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence in secret hearings that
C.I.A. officers ran courses and taught psychological torture. “The
course consisted of three weeks of classroom instruction followed by
two weeks of practical exercises, which included the questioning of
actual prisoners by the students.” Former Ambassador Binns says:
“I think it is an example of the pathology of foreign policy.” In
response to the allegations, which he denied, former Assistant
Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs, Elliott
Abrams, replied:
“A human rights policy is not supposed to make you feel good.”
Between 1982 and 1993,
the U.S. taxpayer gave half
a billion dollars in military “aid” to Honduras. By 1990, 184
people had “disappeared,” according
to President Manuel Zelaya, who in 2008 intimated that he would
reopen cases of the disappeared.
THE ZELAYA
COUP
After centuries of
struggle, Hondurans elected a President who raised living standards
through wealth redistribution. Winner of the 2005 Presidential
elections, Manuel Zelaya of the Liberal Party’s Movimiento
Esperanza Liberal
faction increased the minimum wage, provided free education to
children, subsidised small farmers, and provided free electricity to
the country’s poorest. Zelaya countered media monopoly propaganda
by imposing minimum airtime for government broadcasts and allied with
America’s regional enemies via the proposed ALBA trading bloc.
The Congressional
Research Service (CRS) reported
at the time that “analysts” reckoned Zelaya’s move “runs the
risk of jeopardizing the traditionally close state of relations with
the United States.” The CRS also bemoaned Zelaya delaying the
accreditation of the U.S. Ambassador, Hugo Llorens, “to show
solidarity with Bolivia in its diplomatic spat with the United States
in which Bolivia expelled the U.S. Ambassador.”
Because Zeyala did not
have enough Congressional representatives to agree to his plan, he
attempted to expand democracy by holding a referendum on
constitutional changes. Both the lower and Supreme Courts agreed to
the opposition parties blocking the referendum. In defiance of the
courts, Zelaya ordered the military to help with election logistics,
an order refused by the head of the Armed Forces, Gen. Romeo Vásquez,
who later claimed that Zelaya had dismissed him, which Zelaya denies.
Using pro-Zelaya demonstrations as a pretext for taking to the
streets, the military mobilized and, in June 2009, the Supreme Court
authorized Zelaya’s capture, after which he was exiled to Costa
Rica.
In the book Hard
Choices,
then-U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s ghostwriters, with
her approval, refer to Latin America as the U.S.’s “backyard”
and to Zelaya as “a throwback to the caricature of a Central
American strongman, with his white cowboy hat, dark black mustache,
and fondness for Hugo Chavez and Fidel Castro” (p. 222). The
publishers omitted
from the paperback edition Clinton’s role in the coup: “We
strategized on a plan to restore order in Honduras” (plus the usual
boilerplate about democracy promotion.)
Decree PCM-M-030-2009
ordered the election be held during a state of emergency. The
peaceful, pro-Zelaya groups, La
Resistencia
and Frente
Hondureña de Resistencia Popular,
were targeted under Anti-Terror Laws. The right-wing Porfirio Lobo
was elected with over 50 percent of the vote in a fake 60 percent
turnout (later revised to 49 percent). U.S. President Obama described
this as “a restoration of democratic practices and a commitment to
reconciliation that gives us great hope.” Hope and change for
Honduras came in the form of economic changes benefitting U.S.
corporations:
The U.S. State
Department notes:
“Many of the approximately 200 U.S. companies that operate in
Honduras take advantage of protections available in the Central
American and Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement.” Note the
inadvertent acknowledgement that “free trade” is actually
protection for U.S. corporations. The State Department also notes:
“The Honduran government is generally open to foreign investment.
Low labor costs, proximity to the U.S. market, and the large
Caribbean port of Puerto Cortes make Honduras attractive to
investors.”
Four years into
Zelaya’s overthrow, unemployment jumped from 35.5 percent to 56.4
percent. In 2014, Honduras signed an agreement with the International
Monetary Fund for a $189m loan. The Center for Economic and Policy
Research states:
“Honduran authorities agreed to implement fiscal consolidation…
including privatizations, pension reforms and public sector layoffs.”
The Congressional Research Service states:
“President Juan Orlando Hernández of the conservative National
Party was inaugurated to a second four-year term in January 2018. He
lacks legitimacy among many Hondurans, however, due to allegations
that his 2017 reelection was unconstitutional and marred by fraud.”
RETURN OF THE
DEATH SQUADS
Since the coup, the
U.S. has expanded its military bases in Honduras from 10 to 13. U.S.
“aid” funds the Honduran National Police, whose long-time
Director, Juan Carlos Bonilla, was trained
at the School of the Americas. Atrocities against Hondurans increased
under the U.S. favorite, President Hernández, who vowed
to “put a soldier on every corner.” SOUTHCOM worked
under Obama’s Central America Regional Security Initiative, which
supported Operation Morazán: a program to integrate Honduras’s
Armed Forces with its domestic policing units. With SOUTHCOM funding,
the 250-person Special Response Security Unit (TIGRES) was
established
near Lepaterique. The TIGRES are trained
by the U.S. Green Berets or 7th
Special Forces Group (Airborne) and described
by the U.S. Army War College as a “paramilitary police force.”
The cover for setting
up a military police force is countering narco- and
human-traffickers, but the record shows that left-wing civilians are
targeted for death and intimidation. To crush the pro-Zelaya,
pro-democracy movements Operation Morazán, according
to the U.S. Army War College, included the creation of the Military
Police of Public Order (PMOP), whose members must have served at
least one year in the Armed Forces. By January 2018, the PMOP
consisted
of 4,500 personnel in 10 battalions across every region of Honduras,
and had murdered
at least 21 street protestors.
Berta Cáceres
co-founded the Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of
Honduras. One of the Organization’s missions was resisting the
Desarrollos
Energéticos (DESA) corporation’s Agua Zarca hydroelectric dam
on the Gualcarque River, which is sacred to the Lenca people. DESA
hired a gang, later convicted of murdering Cáceres. They included
the U.S.-trained
Maj. Mariano Díaz Chávez and Lt. Douglas Geovanny Bustillo, himself
head of security at DESA. The company’s director, David Castillo,
also a U.S.-trained
ex-military intelligence officer, is alleged to have colluded with
the killers. The TIGRE forces oversaw
the dam’s construction site.
Between 2010 and 2016,
as U.S. “aid” and training continued to flow, over
120 environmental activists were murdered by hitmen, gangs,
police, and the military for opposing illegal logging and mining.
Others have been intimidated. In 2014, for instance, a year after the
murder of three Matute people by gangs linked to a mining operation,
the children of the indigenous Tolupan leader, Santos Córdoba, were
threatened
at gunpoint by the U.S.-trained, ex-Army General, Filánder
Uclés, and his bodyguards.
Home to the Regional
Military Training Center, Bajo Aguán is a low-lying region in the
east, whose farmers have battled land privatization since the
early-1990s. After Zelaya was deposed, crimes against the peoples of
the region increased. Rights groups signed a letter to then-Secretary
of State Hillary Clinton, who facilitated U.S. aid to Honduras,
stating:
“Forty-five people associated with peasant organizations have been
killed” between September 2009 and February 2012. A joint
military-police project, Operation Xatruch II in 2012, led to the
deaths of “nine peasant organization members, including two
principal leaders.” One 17-year-old son of a peasant organizer was
kidnapped, tortured, and threatened with being burned alive. Lawfare
is also used, with over 160 small farmers in the area subject to
frivolous legal proceedings.
“BACK TO THE
PAST”
In the 1980s, Tomás
Nativí, co-founder of the People’s Revolutionary Union, was
“disappeared” by U.S.-backed death squads. Nativí’s wife,
Bertha Oliva, founded of the Committee of Relatives of the
Disappeared in Honduras to fight for justice for those murdered
between 1979 and 1989. She told
The
Intercept
that the recent killings and restructuring of the so-called security
state is “like going back to the past.”
The iron-fist of
Empire in the service of capitalism never loosens its grip. The names
and command structures of U.S.-backed military units in Honduras have
changed over the last four decades, but their goal remains the same.
T. J. Coles
is director of the Plymouth Institute for Peace Research and the
author of several books, including Voices
for Peace
(with Noam Chomsky and others) and Fire
and Fury: How the US Isolates North Korea, Encircles China and Risks
Nuclear War in Asia (both
Clairview Books).
===========================================
* Een oorlog van de VS tegen het Venezolaanse volk, bestaande uit illegale sancties, het organiiseren van een opstand en het bewapenen van extreem rechtse groepen, beter gezegd fascistische groeperingen, plus het regisseren van geweld gepleegd door die fascisten….. Deze groeperingen hebben korte lijnen met extreem rechtse parijen, zoals die van fascist Guaidó, al is deze ploert pas sinds vorig jaar januari bekend geworden, voor die tijd was hij onbekend bij het overgrote deel van de bevolking….. De VS heeft deze fascist uit de anonimiteit gehaald en zelfs benoemd tot president van Venezuela, terwijl het overgrote deel van de bevolking kiest voor de partij van Maduro en voor de gematigde oppositie partijen in dat land…… Zie wat dit betreft: ‘Guaidó is een ordinaire couppleger van de VS, e.e.a. gaat volledig in tegen de Venezolaanse constitutie‘ (en zie de links in dat bericht)
** Al onder Obama werd de grote supermarktketens van de VS, die winkels in Venezuela hebben, ‘gevraagd’ (onder sterke dwang) hun voorraden niet langer aan te vullen……. Ofwel hier was in feite al sprake van illegale sancties, al waren deze ‘geheim’, onder Trump werden dergelijke sancties ‘gelegitimeerd’ en officieel gemaakt, waarna de sancties een paar keer werden verscherpt…. Volkeren middels sancties of andere valse redenen voedsel en medicijnen onthouden is een zware misdaad tegen de menselijkheid……
*** Zie: ‘Bolivia: een jaar na de coup wint de socialistische partij alsnog de verkiezingen‘
Zie ook: ‘651 miljardairs in de VS zijn sinds maart 1 biljoen dollar rijker geworden o.a. door de Coronacrisis‘
‘NOS met fake news over Bolivia‘ (en zie de links over Bolivia en Morales in dat bericht)
‘Venezuela: onafhankelijke journalisten ontmaskeren leugens over dit land bij presentatie voor de VN‘ (en zie de links over Venezuela en Maduro in dat bericht)
‘Moord op Iraanse nucleaire wetenschapper mogelijk aanzet om oorlog met Iran uit te lokken‘ (en zie de links in dat bericht over Iran)
‘EU sprak over sancties tegen Wit-Rusland, terwijl men Brazilië en Saoedi-Arabië laat begaan met het uitvoeren van genocides‘ (en zie de links in dat bericht)
‘Heavy metal band Sepultura zet zich in voor het redden van volkeren in het Amazonewoud‘ (en zie voor meer berichten over Brazilië en bosbranden de links in dat bericht, ouder dan de hieronder getoonde)
‘Dilma Rousseff afgezet, CIA coup gelukt……..‘ (en zie de desbetreffende links in dat bericht)
Beste bezoeker, dit was het voor deze dag, morgen meer berichten, maak er zo mogelijk een mooide dag van. Tot morgen.